Hayat-e-Saeed

Historical Background to the Tragic Events of 1974

Causes of the Widespread Opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement

The Ahmadiyya Movement embodies a unique history. It is replete—bejeweled, really—with the qualities of religious service, with sincerity and dedication to the service of Islam, with enthusiasm, with passion, with patience, with steadfastness, and with the uplifting examples of sacrifices made in its cause not only with funds but also with lives. Where the Ahmadiyya Movement—based on its aforesaid uniqueness—achieved the unique status in the international history of religions and society, along with achieving fame in the process, it was also opposed with dogged vehemence and with bitter vengeance. Despite many waves of opposition and discomfiture, the Ahmadis kept forging ahead and forward still, remaining focused on their goals, and withstanding thousands of tribulations and trials in the process. The Ahmadiyya Movement, in short, gave much to humanity and to the nations of the world. Even as it surged ahead with remarkable swiftness, the parallel reality—and paralleling its rich contributions but just as undeniable—had to be reckoned with, that being the intensely with which it was opposed.

The most intense and at the same time especially tragic shape that this opposition took—and then emerged in plain sight—was in the specter of the tragic events of 1974. To get a better sense for the genesis of this opposition, and how they influenced the Ahmadiyya Movement through the various eras of its history, we return to the unpublished article by Doctor Saeed Ahmad, entitled Opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement and its Impact on the Ahmadiyya Movement chapters in Hazara. The following excerpt is taken from that article:

Much like the rest of the Indian subcontinent, opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement in the rocky valley of Hazara began from day one. This opposition would emerge from time to time, and then it spread with a vengeance. The fire of opposition had not been consummated, but had rather kindled from time to time, as evidenced by the sparks of opposition.

In the beginning, opposition was limited to debates and arguments, questions and answers, and confined to munazara and mujadila. (The word munazara means a face-to-face discussion, perhaps a debate on a controversy involving religious beliefs. And the word mujadila means an aggressive debate or confrontational discussion.) All the same, such opposition was not harmful for the members of the Ahmadiyya Movement; rather, it served to indirectly promote its mission of propagating Islam. Elements of enmity and hatred were not a part of that opposition: Members of the Ahmadiyya Movement, in fact, were regarded with honor and respect. A long period of time passed in this region, one marked by relative peace and security, successes and victories.

But later, when the wherewithal of the opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement went through growth, the opposition took on a new collaboration in terms of its influence, although—when the opposition did collaborate—their opposition was not durable. On all such occasions, Allah rendered all attempts of the opposition futile through His Unseen power, and some mischief makers were smitten with such punishments as were a source of increasing the strength of the worldly weak’s faith. Although members of the Ahmadiyya Movement—at both the individual and communal levels—faced many types of tribulations, they demonstrated sterling faith and belief, facing the trials and difficulties with patience and steadfastness.

During the era spanning the years 1914 to 1974—a period of 60 years—the mullah as well as certain political and semi-political leaders managed to paint the Ahmadiyya Movement as an object of hatred in the mind of the public. All this took on a newfound intensity, and the storm of opposition—one marked by verdicts of unbelief and the unrestrained use of incendiary and foul language, all cloaked in the miasma of impure accusations and objections—reared its ugly head. Then in 1935, when the Rabwah Jamaat waded into the murky quicksand of politics and began participating vigorously, joining the movement for the freedom of Kashmir, the Ahrar Organization and its allies became open enemies of the Rabwah Jamaat (i.e. the organization based in Rabwah (Pakistan), being the one from which the Ahmadiyya Movement, the Jamaat based in Lahore (Pakistan), split away in 1914 because of irreconcilable differences in beliefs.) Later, in 1953, those opposing organizations raised hue and cry under the banner of safeguarding the finality of prophethood: Those allies incited the public at large, convincing them that the Ahmadiyya Movement had to perish from the face of the earth. This incendiary development created a situation of dire disorder in Pakistan, which in turn led to the imposition of martial law in the major province that is Punjab. Heavy losses—of both lives and of property—were inflicted on the Ahmadis: In short, destruction took place on a large scale in Punjab. At the same time, no incidents of loss to life or to property took place in the Hazara region.

Then in 1971, the Rabwah Jamaat continued participating in the political process, this time as supporters of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP.) In this way, having already made the maulvis their enemies, they now ended up making other national political parties a new set of opponents. The result was that, on both platforms—the religious and the political—intensified and expanded voices of opposition were raised: Put another say, a mountain of tribulations and trials crashed on top of the Ahmadiyya Movement proper.

Doctor Saeed Ahmad further writes on this subject:

The recorded history of the Indian Subcontinent in this century bears testimony that whenever politics has reared its head and political chaos has reached a state of escalation—and insofar as the target of their propaganda is concerned—Ahmadis have been made the scapegoats. Many historical events serve to testify that such political scheming and strategizing began and ended with the opposition of the Ahmadiyya Movement as their pretext.

The reality cannot be ignored that the Subcontinent is a religiously infused and religion-worshiping part of the world. Here, religious prejudice and sectarian narrow mindedness can be found in abundance. The opportunists in this region—alongside self-serving maulvis and aggrandizing politicians—know all too well that religion is the very lifeblood as well as the weakness of the public. And that—for religion—the common man is willing to take on great risks and even risk his life. With that in mind, a category of people exploit this national weakness and, sidestepping the genuine welfare as well as the solidarity of Islam and the islamic community, they pursue their own selfish and sordid goals by resorting to slogans such as the following: “Religion is in danger,” and “the finality of prophethood is in danger,” etc. And usually thereafter, a storm of opposition is unleashed against the members of the Ahmadi Movement, whereby the aforementioned opportunists subvert circumstances in their favor, and in the process create widespread disturbance on the streets. In Pakistan, this is a tried-and-true formula, the weapon of choice wielded by such people in the name of religion and as a subterfuge for political fear-mongering as well as for justifying the carrying out acts of terrorism. Pakistan, in fact, has experienced this type of turmoil many times. And the members of the Ahmadiyya Movement are the ones who have been on the receiving end of such punishments.

That, alas, is the tragic drama which the religious clerics in this country orchestrate, and which they play out at their whim. Some cases in point are the politicizing of Kashmir in 1932, the situation in 1939 and 1945, or in 1950 and 1953, and the events of 1960, and more so than those, the events of 1973 and 1974, and then the turmoil in 1984 and 1985., Or, and needless to add, similar tragic dramas that will play out in the future—behind the scenes, these have been the forces at work in the past and will be the forces behind the scenes in the future.

The Ahmadiyya Movement, based in Lahore (Pakistan) as it is, remains the flag bearer of the true teachings of Hazrat Mirza Sahib, which is true Islam. All the same, measures have not been taken on a wide scale—for whatever reason—which would bring to the national level an awareness and acceptance of the reality of the Ahmadiyya Movement, its genuine ideals, its true beliefs, its viewpoints, as well as its goals and objectives, and thereby convince the public that this movement is not in an un-Islamic movement at all.

Doctor Saeed Ahmad further writes:

The Ahmadiyya Movement has made all kinds of financial sacrifices, waged an intellectual struggle with the pen, and added unparalleled contributions to investigative literature. In connection with the propagation of Islam in foreign nations, the Ahmadiyya Movement’s efforts are exemplary and timeless. Humanity has benefited from that Islamic Jihad. All the same, inside Pakistan, its sphere of influence has been limited to a select few, and not extended to the public. Consequently, the public could understand neither the differences between the beliefs and viewpoints of the two Ahmadiyya organizations [i.e. our Ahmadiyya Movement which is based in Lahore (Pakistan) and the Rabwah Jamaat which is based in Rabwah (Pakistan)] nor did they understand the religious and spiritual status of the founder of this movement [i.e. Hazrat Mirza Sahib]. Even the fact that this movement has been split into [the] two [aforementioned] parts is lost upon the public.

Thus, the covering up of the truth by the Rabwah Jamaat, along with the feebleness of faith displayed by the opposition, coupled with the shortcomings in publicizing the actual facts on the part of the Ahmadiyya Movement (Lahore) resulted in the public’s continued unawareness of the reality and truth about the Ahmadiyya Movement, and the correct status of the founder of the movement.

Three Unique Factors Contributing to the Opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement in Hazara 

The impact of the opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement in general—in all its manifestations—has been felt in the Hazara region, too. Here, too, Ahmadis have been repeatedly impacted by the storms of opposition manufactured by local mullahs and politicians. But there are three aspects that are unique to this region alone. They have been identified by Doctor Saeed Ahmad as follows in his written work entitled Opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement and its Impact on the Ahmadiyya Movement chapters in Hazara:

1. The Unique Temperament of the Natives of Hazara

There are three aspects which are endemic to the Hazara region, and which led to the development of intense opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement. One of them is the unique temperament of the natives: Thousands of tales of their fickle mindedness and of their ingratitude are well known. Sometimes, these people will shower you with the petals of love and devotion, and at other times they will become the embodiment of oppression. In this context, I offer the example of the former Hazrat Sayyed Ahmad Shaheed [mujaddid of the fourteenth century A.H.] whose own helpers got him murdered through an act of treachery. Then, during the tragic events of 1974, I myself experienced a taste of this die off behavior. In the blink of an eye, many dear people were transformed into bloodthirsty individuals.

O Allah, protect us and have mercy on us. Sure You are the Most Merciful

2. Lack of familiarity with religion and faith.

The second factor is that the people here are unfamiliar with religion and faith. The soldiers of fortune here, as well as the opportunists, exploit this weakness of the masses. The mullahs provoke them by appealing to their base emotions, nefariously appealing to their reverence for religion, and thereby create disturbances. I have personal experience in this matter. I make reference to this matter not motivated by egotism or self adulation, but compelled by the sentiment to gratefully recount a favor of Allah. I belong to one of the well-known families of the area. Everyone in this region is familiar with my name. I have spent the majority of my life here. The periods of my employment and post-employment, too, have been spent here. By the grace of Allah, people valued me as a medical practitioner.

People also recognized me and regarded me as the founder of the Dadar Sanatorium. I myself have, through the practice of medicine as a virtuous calling, tried my best to carry out my duties in a God-fearing and diligent way. People from Hazara, and in fact from far and wide throughout Pakistan—the rich and the poor—all came to me for medical care and treatment. There was a time when, in this entire region, I was the only one who tended to their medical needs. I loved them and they loved me. There was a time when the ruler of Saudi Arabia, Abdul Aziz Ibn-e-Saud, invited me and extended an offer to me for serving in the capacity of his personal doctor, a position which would come with many concessions and facilities as well as an exceptionally generous salary. But I rejected that offer because the predominant sentiment compelling me was that the people of my region, the ailing ones, needed me more. 

Despite my long-standing association with this region, and notwithstanding my special relationship with them as their doctor, I saw for myself that during the tragic events of 1974, among the leaders of the mob—the one that besieged my house and burned down my medical clinic—were the chief instigators who were provoking the mob to open fire on me, on my relatives, on my friends, and on my dear ones. Those primary instigators, then, were ones who had spent a long time as my faithful friends, ones who had expressed their gratitude and indebtedness to me in the past, and ones whose heads would remain bowed down with gratitude when they were in my company. Among such people—that is, among my patients—was an individual whom I had treated for tuberculosis in the Dadar Sanatorium. He had, by the grace of Allah, healed completely. That individual turned out to be the ringleader of that mob.

Such burning hatred in the hearts of people, and the lightning-fast transformation from gratitude to ingratitude, is ingrained in the fabric of the lives of people here. And I was given a taste of that bitter fruit. And yet—now that I have practically left my medical practice, and brought to a close my tending to medical treatment—patients and acquaintances from long ago, along with their relatives and friends, from near and from far, are able to find my whereabouts in Abbottabad, Lahore, and other locations. They ask for medicines and treatment for the patient. When I express my inability in this matter, they respond by asking me to perhaps only write a prescription and pray for the patient, because they believe that my prayer and my prescription will lead to the recovery of the patient.

Many of the admirers of Doctor Saeed Ahmad came to Lahore in his search. As an example, we present two such incidents here.

1. An individual hailing from the vicinity of Abbottabad came to Lahore with the explicit purpose of seeking medical advice from Doctor Saeed Ahmad. He had learned that, after leaving his homeland, Doctor Saeed Ahmad had relocated to Lahore. He was under the impression that Doctor Saeed Ahmad would have a clinic in Lahore, one which could be found with ease. But he was disappointed in his quest, and had, in fact, decided to return when he met one of his old acquaintances, and to whom he related his situation. That acquaintance told him that he had seen an individual resembling Doctor Saeed Ahmad enter the residence of Mansur Ahmad. But he could not say with certainty that it was indeed him. So he went to the house of Mansur Ahmad, got the address of Doctor Saeed Ahmad from him. After meeting Doctor Saeed Ahmad, that individual got valuable medical advice, and his blessings as well.
2. In 1960, Ataullah Wazir regained health at the Dadar Sanatorium under the treatment of Doctor Saeed Ahmad. Through his son-in-law, who was an officer in the police department and stationed near Lahore, Ataullah Wazir got the address of Doctor Saeed Ahmad. One day, along with his daughter and son-in-law, he came to Dar-us-Salam to meet Doctor Saeed Ahmad. Later, by way of a letter, Ataullah Wazir expressed his reverence for Doctor Saeed Ahmad in the following words:
   I swear by God and His Prophet that I miss you tremendously. Hundreds and thousands of your patients are alive to this day. In the truest sense of the words, you have served the distressed humanity. To this day, when I write these words, I have not seen a more wonderful and wondrously scrupulous doctor than you… I can only wish that other doctors, too, would emulate your morals and your kind conduct. Honorable Doctor Saeed Ahmad, I swear by God that you are very dear to me. So dear that I simply don’t have the words with which to describe my sentiments.

3. The Formation of the Rabwa Organization’s Summer Headquarter in Abbottabad.

The third factor leading to the development of opposition to the Ahmadiyya Movement in Hazara was an especially potent one: The founding of the summer headquarter of the Rabwah Jamaat. The details are as follows. Following a comprehensive and extensive plan, the Rabwah Jamaat launched a concerted effort in Hazara between 1970 and 1973 to found their summer headquarter, an effort accompanied by extensive publicity. The proposed scheme was as follows: During the summers, their central office would operate from Abbottabad instead of from Rabwah. And that the Khalifa as well as the various leaders and missionaries would arrive in Abbottabad and extend their missionary program from there. It should be remembered that during those days, and in the days leading up to that time, the Ahmadis in Lahore had, under the guidance of the Ahmadiyya Movement’s Center in Lahore, begun the summer school in Abbottabad in the Ahmadiyya Movement’s mosque. That was where the youth in particular and other members of the Ahmadiyya Movement in general would spend some time together and participate in the training course about religion and the Ahmadiyya Movement. This was a highly successful enterprise for the education and edification of the Ahmadis on a small scale. Coverage of the summer school in Abbottabad was published in the Ahmadiyya Movement’s newspaper and magazine. The institution of the summer school was greatly appreciated and acknowledged. Evidently, the Rabwah Jamaat liked it, too, and may well have taken inspiration from it in founding their summer headquarter in Abbottabad.

At any rate, the Rabwah Jamaat systematically began going about implementing their plan. Initially, they rented a building on Mansehra Road in Abbottabad, and launched the “Propagation and Reformation” discourses. Their Khalifas—Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad and Mirza Nasir Ahmad—also arrived in Abbottabad. Subsequently, they determined that an Ahmadiyya colony would be built there. Under the supervision of Mirza Nasir Ahmad, an extensive tract of land near the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) was purchased, and the construction of their offices, guest houses, library, mosque, etc., was launched, accompanied by great publicity.

As a result, the residents of Abbottabad took notice. The mullahs and maulvis became active, and agitation against the Ahmadis began in earnest: The public was provoked into lending their support for bringing the construction of the [proposed Rabwah Jamaat] colony to a halt. Crowds and demonstrations were galvanized in short order: Through shibboleth and fliers, through banners and through posters, full expression was vented to spotlight the emotions of sorrow and anger. And it was proclaimed that they would not let a second Rabwah be built in Abbottabad.

All over the region—on the walls, on bridges, on streets, in bazaars and in alleys and in public spots, anywhere one looked, really—statements at once hateful and poisonous were profusely plastered. The situation began to deteriorate to the point where the seething lava of opposition, one squarely at the Ahmadiyya Movement, began to spew forth from those mountains of opposition, frothing in its fury, and came to engulf the Ahmadiyya Movement’s local chapter in Abbottabad. The opposition’s hate-laced vision was especially trained on my companions and on me. 

And their hatred toward me was evidently not without any cause. The background to that is as follows: The Ahmadiyya colony under construction by the Rabwah Jamaat was in the vicinity of the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA), and in fact adjacent to it. Call it a coincidence or a near-coincidence, but it so happened that in those very days when the construction of the colony was in its initial stages, my son, Brigadier Abdulla Saeed—he was the commandant of the PMA—and the commonly received propaganda about him was that he was a mirzai [a derogatory term for a member of either the Ahmadiyya Movement or the Rabwah Jamaat.] That, the propaganda further alleged, it was through Abdulla’s efforts and through his influence that the tract of land near the PMA had been purchased; that it was through his planning and strategizing that the construction had gotten underway; that, moreover, he was proselytizing the cadets and staff of the PMA to become mirzais;: and also that, with great regularity and with missionary goals in mind, he was taking the officers and cadets in training at the PMA to perform the five daily prayers in the leadership of the Khalifa of the Rabwah Jamaat. However, all of the proceeding claims were utterly contrary to reality: Abdulla would not even have seen the face of the Khalifa of the Rabwah Jamaat, except perhaps by way of a photograph. It was mere propaganda. And as I have previously said, in light of this propaganda, it was commonly believed by the public that I was the central and leading member of the Rabwah Jamaat in Hazara, and that all these activities were taking place through my planning and my coordination.

What I have sought to convey to the reader through this detailed explanation is that the [chapter of the] Ahmadiyya Movement [based] in the Hazara region—in the minds of its residents—has always been associated with the Rabwah Jamaat. As for the Lahore Jamaat, which is the other name for the Ahmadiyya Movement [being the Ahmadiyya Movement based in Lahore (Pakistan)], the public is entirely unaware. The tragic events with which my friends and I were smitten in 1974 had, as their basis, the animus of the public toward us, animosity that was informed by the Rabwah Jamaat’s beliefs and by their actions [with the result that we got tarred by the same brush.] In fact, the general impression about me in Hazara was that not only was I a member of the Rabwah Jamaat, but also that I was the leader of the Rabwah Jamaat in Abbottabad. I was, according to the [egregiously erroneous] general impression [in the minds of the public], the overall coordinator for the members of the Rabwah Jamaat in the Hazara region. These false impressions, common among the residents, were based on a general lack of awareness and on evident misunderstanding regarding my actual thinking and my conduct.